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(1). I am here to meet with you today for just one purpose.
(2). It has been nearly two years since we last met, and I should like to thank you for all your hard work.
(3). The committee has been working for a year and eight months.
(4). Thanks to your perseverance and intelligence, your work has been making good progress, and you have been cooperating with each other very well.
(5). This will facilitate a smooth transition for Hong Kong.
(6). The success of our ``one country, two systems’’ formula should be guaranteed by the basic law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region.
(7). This law will serve as a model for Macao and Taiwan.
(8). It is therefore very important.
(9). It is something new, without precedent in world history.
(10). You still have three years in which to draft the best possible document.
(11). Today I should like to talk about some things that will not change.
(12). Our policy on Hong Kong will not change for 50 years after it is reunited with the motherland in 1997.
(13). That policy, along with the basic law you are now drafting, will remain in force for at least 50 years.
(14). And I want to add that there will be even less need to change them after the 50-year period.
(15). Hong Kong’s status will not change, nor will our policy towards Hong Kong or Macao.
(16). After Taiwan is reunified with the mainland under the ``one country, two systems’’ formula, our policy towards Taiwan will also remain unchanged for 50 years.
(17). There will be no change either in our policy of opening up at home and opening to the outside world.
(18). By the end of this century China’s per capita GNP will reach between US $800 and $1,000--we have hopes that it will be $1,000.
(19). I am afraid that China will still rank below 50th place among the more than 100 countries in the world, but there will be a difference in its strength.
(20). Our population will have reached 1.2 to 1.25 billion, and total GNP will be between $1 trillion and $1.2 trillion.
(21). Since our socialist system is based on public ownership, and since our goal is to achieve common prosperity, we shall then have a society in which the people lead a fairly comfortable life--that is, everyone’s standard of living will have been raised.
(22). More important, if with this as a foundation we can continue to develop, in another 50 years we shall again quadruple our per capita GNP to $4,000.
(23). This will put China among the moderately developed countries, though its place will still be lower than that of dozens of others.
(24). At that time, with a population of 1.5 billion producing a GNP of $6 trillion (calculated in accordance with the 1980 exchange rate of the renminbi yuan against the U.S. dollar), China will surely be in the front ranks of the countries of the world.
(25). And thanks to our socialist system of distribution, not only will there be a change in China’s national strength, but the people’s standard of living will be higher.
(26). What conditions are necessary for us to achieve this goal?
(27). First, China needs political stability.
(28). Why did we take the student unrest so seriously and deal with it so quickly?
(29). Because China could not afford any more disorder or unrest.
(30). We must put the overall national interests above all else.
(31). The key to China’s development is political stability.
(32). The second condition is that the current policy must remain unchanged.
(33). As I have just said, the importance of that can be seen from the goals we have set for the next few decades.
(34). For example, right now people are talking about the problem of privately hired labour.
(35). I have said to many comrades that it is not worth showing that we are taking action on this question and that we can wait a couple of years.
(36). At first I said we could wait two years,now two years have passed, and I’d say we should still wait.
(37). In general, it is only small enterprises and peasant households working under the contracted responsibility system that are hiring outside help.
(38). Compared with the more than one hundred million workers and administrative personnel in public enterprises and institutions throughout the country, the number of privately hired workers is very small.
(39). In terms of the overall situation, there are only very few of them.
(40). It would be easy to take action against the practice of hiring labour, but if we did that, people might think we were changing our policy again.
(41). Of course, we must take action, because we do not want polarization.
(42). But we have to consider carefully when and how to do it.
(43). By taking action I mean attaching some restrictions to the practice.
(44). In dealing with matters like this, we should bear in mind that we must not unthinkingly cause uncertainty or confusion.
(45). That is what I mean by taking the overall situation into consideration.
(46). It is important for us to encourage people to use their heads and find ways to develop our economy in a pioneering spirit.
(47). We should not dampen their initiative; that would not be good for us.
(48). So, both the political situation and the policy should remain stable.
(49). Making no change means stability.
(50). If the policy is successful, yielding the desired results in the 50-year period after 1997, we shall have little reason to change it then.
(51). That is why I say that after the motherland is reunified under the ``one country, two systems’’ formula, our policy towards Hong Kong, Macao and Taiwan will not change for 50 years and that it will remain unchanged even beyond that period.
(52). Of course, I won’t be around at the time, but I am convinced that our successors will understand this reasoning.
(53). There is something else that will not change.
(54). People are happy that the Communist Party and the government of China mean to keep the policy of opening to the outside world unchanged.
(55). But whenever they hear the leaves rustling in the wind--as now, when we are opposing bourgeois liberalization--they wonder if the policy is changing.
(56). They overlook the fact that there are two basic aspects to China’s policy.
(57). When we say there will be no change, we refer to both aspects, not just one.
(58). The aspect that people overlook is adherence to the Four Cardinal Principles, which include upholding the socialist system and leadership by the Communist Party.
(59). They suspect that China’s open policy is changing, but they never ask about the socialist system.
(60). That system will not change either!
(61). We decided long ago to uphold the socialist system and the Four Cardinal Principles, and that decision has been written into the Constitution.
(62). It was also on the understanding that the main body of the country would adhere to the Four Cardinal Principles that we formulated our policy towards Hong Kong, Macao and Taiwan.
(63). If it were not for the Communist Party and China’s socialist system, who would have been able to formulate a policy like that?
没有中国共产党,没有中国的社会主义,谁能够制定这样的政策....(please sign in for more)
(64). No individual or political party would have had the courage and farsightedness. Isn’t that so?
没有哪个人有这个胆识,哪一个党派都不行。你们看我这个讲法对不对....(please sign in for more)
(65). Nobody could have done it without courage and resourcefulness.
没有一点胆略是不行的。....(please sign in for more)
(66). But courage and resourcefulness must have a basis, which in this case consisted of the socialist system and socialist China under the leadership of the Communist Party.
这个胆略是要有基础的,这就是社会主义制度,是共产党领导下的社会主义中国。....(please sign in for more)
(67). We are building socialism suited to Chinese conditions, which is why we were able to formulate the policy of ``one country, two systems’’ and why we can allow the two different systems to coexist.
我们搞的是有中国特色的社会主义,所以才制定“一国两制”的政策,才可以允许两种制度存在。....(please sign in for more)
(68). We would not be able to do this if we lacked courage, the courage that comes from the support of the people.
没有点勇气是不行的,这个勇气来自人民的拥护....(please sign in for more)
(69). Our people support the socialist system and leadership by the Party.
人民拥护我们国家的社会主义制度,拥护党的领导。....(please sign in for more)
(70). Any view that neglects the Four Cardinal Principles is one-sided.
忽略了四项基本原则,这也是带有片面性嘛!....(please sign in for more)
(71). When considering whether China’s policy will change, one must also take into consideration whether this aspect will change. To be honest, if this aspect changed, it would be impossible to keep Hong Kong prosperous and stable.
看中国的政策变不变,也要看这方面变不变。老实说,如果这方面变了,也就没有香港的繁荣和稳定。....(please sign in for more)
(72). To keep Hong Kong prosperous and stable for 50 years and beyond, it is essential to maintain the socialist system under the leadership of the Communist Party.
要保持香港五十年繁荣和稳定,五十年以后也繁荣和稳定,就要保持中国共产党领导下的社会主义制度。....(please sign in for more)
(73). Our socialist system is a system with Chinese characteristics.
我们的社会主义制度是有中国特色的社会主义制度....(please sign in for more)
(74). One important characteristic is our way of handling the question of Hong Kong, Macao and Taiwan, or the ``one country, two systems’’ policy.
这个特色,很重要的一个内容就是对香港、澳门、台湾问题的处理,就是“一国两制”。....(please sign in for more)
(75). This is something new.
这是个新事物。....(please sign in for more)
(76). It was created not by the United States, Japan, the Soviet Union or any European country, but by China,that is why we call it a Chinese characteristic.
这个新事物不是美国提出来的,不是日本提出来的,不是欧洲提出来的,也不是苏联提出来的,而是中国提出来的,这就叫做中国特色。....(please sign in for more)
(77). When we say the policy will not change, we mean the policy as a whole--that no aspect of it will change.
讲不变,应该考虑整个政策的总体、各个方面都不变....(please sign in for more)
(78). If any aspect changes, the others will be affected.
其中一个方面变了,都要影响其他方面。....(please sign in for more)
(79). I should therefore like to ask you to explain this principle to our friends in Hong Kong.
所以请各位向香港的朋友解释这个道理。....(please sign in for more)
(80). Try to imagine what would become of Hong Kong if China changed its socialist system, the socialist system with Chinese characteristics under the leadership of the Communist Party.
试想,中国要是改变了社会主义制度,改变了中国共产党领导下的具有中国特色的社会主义制度,香港会是怎样....(please sign in for more)
(81). That would be the end of prosperity and stability for Hong Kong.
香港的繁荣和稳定也会吹的。....(please sign in for more)
(82). To make sure the policy remains unchanged for 50 years and beyond, we must keep the socialist system on the mainland unchanged.
要真正能做到五十年不变,五十年以后也不变,就要大陆这个社会主义制度不变。....(please sign in for more)
(83). By combating bourgeois liberalization, we mean to ensure that our socialist system does not change and that the whole policy and the policy of opening up domestically and internationally do not change either.
我们反对资产阶级自由化,就是要保证中国的社会主义制度不变,保证整个政策不变,对内开放、对外开放的政策不变。....(please sign in for more)
(84). If they changed, we would have no hope of building a society in which our people lead a fairly comfortable life by the end of this century, or of reaching the level of the moderately developed countries by the middle of the next.
如果这些都变了,我们要在本世纪末达到小康水平、在下世纪中叶达到中等发达国家水平的目标就没有希望了。....(please sign in for more)
(85). At present, the entire world economy is under the control of international monopoly capital, and the world market is dominated by it.
现在国际垄断资本控制着全世界的经济,市场被他们占了,要奋斗出来很不容易。....(please sign in for more)
(86). It would be difficult for any country to break out of this situation, and especially for a poor country like China.
像我们这样穷的国家要奋斗出来更不容易....(please sign in for more)
(87). Without the policies of reform and opening to the outside, we would never be in a position to compete.
没有开放政策、改革政策,竞争不过。....(please sign in for more)
(88). You know this better than we do; it is exceedingly difficult.
这个你们比我们更清楚,确是很不容易。....(please sign in for more)
(89). People have been talking a great deal about whether or not China’s policy will change, and I think they will still be talking about it at the end of this century and into the next.
这个“不变”的问题,是人们议论纷纷的问题,而且我相信,到本世纪末、到下世纪还要议论。....(please sign in for more)
(90). We shall let facts speak for themselves.
我们要用事实证明这个“不变”。....(please sign in for more)
(91). Some people are saying that China is pulling back on its policies of reform and opening to the outside world.
现在有人议论,中国的改革、开放政策在收。....(please sign in for more)
(92). I must say that there are some problems with commodity prices and that we have slightly reduced our investment in capital construction.
我要说,我们的物价有点问题,对基本建设的投资也收紧了一点。....(please sign in for more)
(93). But we should look at this problem from an overall point of view.
但问题要从全局看。....(please sign in for more)
(94). It is only natural that when taking a step forward we should contract some things and expand others.
每走一步都必定会有的收,有的放,这是很自然的事情。....(please sign in for more)
(95). Overall, what we want is to open up domestically and internationally.
总的是要开放。....(please sign in for more)
(96). Our open policy will certainly continue,the problem is that we have not yet opened wide enough.
我们的开放政策肯定要继续下去,现在是开放得不够。....(please sign in for more)
(97). Carrying out reform and opening to the outside are difficult tasks, requiring great courage and resolution.
我们的开放、改革是很不容易的事情,胆子要大,要坚决。....(please sign in for more)
(98). But unless we persevere in them, we shall have no way out and no hope of modernizing the country.
不开放不改革没有出路,国家现代化建设没有希望。....(please sign in for more)
(99). Still, in dealing with specific matters, we must be cautious and learn from our experience as we go along.
但在具体事情上要小心,要及时总结经验。....(please sign in for more)
(100). After we have taken a step, we must review what we have done to find out what needs to be speeded up, what needs to be slowed down and what needs to be contracted.
我们每走一步都要总结经验,哪些事进度要快一点,哪些要慢一点,哪些还要收一收....(please sign in for more)