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(1). Previous American presidents supported despots for reasons of cold-war realpolitik. ( “He's a bastard, but he's our bastard,” as Harry Truman is reputed to have said of an anti-communist tyrant in Nicaragua. )
以前，美国总统曾出于冷战现实政治的原因支持过暴君。（就如杜鲁门据说在谈到尼加拉瓜的反共独裁者时曾经说过“他是混蛋恶棍，但是，是我们的混蛋恶棍”这样的话。）
(2). Mr Trump's attitude seems more like: “He's a bastard. Great!”
特朗普的态度似乎更像是“他是混蛋恶棍。太好了！”。
(3). This repels America's liberal allies, in Europe, East Asia and beyond.
这让美国在欧洲和东亚等地的自由盟友感到反感。
(4). It emboldens autocrats to behave worse, as in Saudi Arabia this week, where the crown prince's dramatic political purges met with Mr Trump's blessing.
它放纵暴君为所欲为，就像其王储的戏剧性政治清洗遇到了特朗普的褒奖的沙特那样。
(5). It makes it easier for China to declare American-style democracy passe, and more tempting for other countries to copy China's autocratic model.
它让中国更容易宣称美国式的民主已经过时；而对其他国家来说，复制中国模式更有诱惑力。
(6). The idea that things will return to normal after a single Trump term is too sanguine.
事态将在特朗普这仅有的一个任期后恢复正常的观点过于乐观了。
(7). The world is moving on.
世界正在前行。
(8). Asians are building new trade ties, often centred on China.
亚洲各国正在构建新的贸易关系，它们经常是以中国为中心。
(9). Europeans are working out how to defend themselves if they cannot rely on Uncle Sam.
欧洲正在考虑如何在无法依赖山姆大叔的情况下防护自身。
(10). And American politics are turning inward: both Republicans and Democrats are more protectionist now than they were before Mr Trump's electoral triumph.
同时，美国政治正在向内转：如今，共和党和民主党都比他们在特朗普的选举胜利之前更具保护主义色彩。
(11). For all its flaws, America has long been the greatest force for good in the world, upholding the liberal order and offering an example of how democracy works.
尽管有种种缺陷，但是，长期以来，美国一直是世界向好的最伟大的力量，坚守了自由秩序，树立了民主如何运转的榜样。
(12). All that is imperilled by a president who believes that strong nations look out only for themselves.
这一切已经因为一位崇信强大国家只顾自己的总统而疾疾可危。
(13). By putting “America First”, he makes it weaker, and the world worse off.
通过“把美国放在第一位”，他使其日渐势微，令世界江河日下。
(14). Furthermore, Mr Trump has yet to be tested by a crisis.
再者，特朗普尚未经受过一次危机的考验。
(15). Level-headed generals may advise him, but he is the commander-in-chief, with a temperament that alarms friend and foe alike.
头脑冷静的将军们可能会给他出谋划策。但是，他是三军总司令，一位性情让朋友和敌人都一样提心吊胆的三军总司令。
(16). On trade, he remains wedded to a zero-sum view of the world, in which exporters “win” and importers “lose”. (Are the buyers of Ivanka Trump-branded clothes and handbags, which are made in Asia, losers? )
贸易方面，他仍旧固守着这个世界是出口“赢”、进口“输”的零和观点。（在亚洲生产的伊万卡品牌的服饰和手包的购买者是输家吗？）
(17). Mr Trump has made clear that he favours bilateral deals over multilateral ones, because that way a big country like America can bully small ones into making concessions.
特朗普已经表明，他偏爱双边协议甚于多边协议，因为这能让美国这样的大国欺凌小国，让他们作出让步。
(18). The trouble with this approach is twofold.
这种策略的问题是双重的。
(19). First, it is deeply unappealing to small countries, which by the way also have protectionist lobbies to overcome.
首先，它对也有保护主义说客需要摆平的小国特别没有吸引力。
(20). Second, it would reproduce the insanely complicated mishmash of rules that the multilateral trade system was created to simplify and trim.
其次，它会重现多边贸易体系为了简化并理顺它们才被创造出来的复杂规则大杂烩。
(21). The Trump team probably will not make a big push to disrupt global trade until tax reform has passed through Congress.
特朗普团队在税改通过国会之前可能不会大力推进摧毁全球贸易。
(22). But when and if that happens, all bets are off—NAFTA is still in grave peril.
但是，一旦这种事发生，赌注就全都作废了——NAFTA仍旧岌岌可危。
(23). Perhaps the greatest damage that Mr Trump has done is to American soft power.
特朗普所造成的最大伤害，或许是美国的软实力。
(24). He openly scorns the notion that America should stand up for universal values such as democracy and human rights.
他公开嘲讽美国应当为民主和人权等的普世价值观挺身而出的观念。
(25). Not only does he admire dictators; he explicitly praises thuggishness, such as the mass murder of criminal suspects in the Philippines.
他不仅敬仰独裁者；还明确地褒奖杀戮，如发生在菲律宾的对疑犯的大规模屠杀。
(26). He does so not out of diplomatic tact, but apparently out of conviction.
他这样做不是出于外交策略，显然是出于某种信念。
(27). This is new.
这是全新的。
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