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(1). Books and Arts; Book Review;Japanese history;
文艺；书评；日本历史;
(2). Selective memory;
选择性记忆;
(3). Ways of Forgetting, Ways of Remembering: Japan in the Modern World. By John Dower.
《淡忘之道，铭记之途：现代日本》，约翰·道尔著。
(4). 1: As the ghosts of the Pacific war judder back to life in Asia, it seems appropriate to consider how nation states remember, and misremember, the past.
2: Japan’s current tiffs with its neighbours, China and South Korea, are rooted in the march to war and its undigested aftermath, more than 75 years ago.
3: They are inflamed, however, by different narratives of history, and by national media coverage that is often parochial and amnesiac.
2: Japan’s current tiffs with its neighbours, China and South Korea, are rooted in the march to war and its undigested aftermath, more than 75 years ago.
3: They are inflamed, however, by different narratives of history, and by national media coverage that is often parochial and amnesiac.
1:近日，太平洋地区发生战争的阴霾再次笼罩着亚洲。现在来思考民族国家是如何铭记及误记历史的，似乎正是时候。
2:日本最近和中韩两个邻国之间起了种种争执，这都源于75年多以前发动的那场战争和它所带来的尚未平复的创伤。
3:然而，各国对历史的记述不同，国家媒体的报道也往往狭隘而有所回避。因此，这些争执被激化了。
2:日本最近和中韩两个邻国之间起了种种争执，这都源于75年多以前发动的那场战争和它所带来的尚未平复的创伤。
3:然而，各国对历史的记述不同，国家媒体的报道也往往狭隘而有所回避。因此，这些争执被激化了。
(5). 1: Mr Dower discusses his surprise at hearing his own work cited after 9/11, when American officials evoked the post-war occupation of Japan as a model for post-invasion Iraq.
2: President George W. Bush should have seen that Japan provided “no model” for occupying Mesopotamia, Mr Dower wrote in a strikingly prescient 2002 New York Times op-ed, reproduced here.
3: “To rush to war without seriously imagining all its consequences, including its aftermath, is not realism but a terrible hubris.”
2: President George W. Bush should have seen that Japan provided “no model” for occupying Mesopotamia, Mr Dower wrote in a strikingly prescient 2002 New York Times op-ed, reproduced here.
3: “To rush to war without seriously imagining all its consequences, including its aftermath, is not realism but a terrible hubris.”
1:在9.11事件之后，美国官员援引了道尔的作品，要求以战后占领日本的模式在入侵伊拉克之后占领该国。道尔表示他听到这一消息以后有些错愕。
2:他在2002年《纽约时报》的社论专栏里极有先见之明地写道：乔治·W·布什总统应该认识到，日本不能为攻占美索不达米亚“提供模式”。
3:“不认真考虑战争的后果、包括可能带来的创伤就匆匆发动战争，这不是现实主义，而是一种可怕的傲慢狂妄。”
2:他在2002年《纽约时报》的社论专栏里极有先见之明地写道：乔治·W·布什总统应该认识到，日本不能为攻占美索不达米亚“提供模式”。
3:“不认真考虑战争的后果、包括可能带来的创伤就匆匆发动战争，这不是现实主义，而是一种可怕的傲慢狂妄。”
(6). He returns to the terrain of “Embracing Defeat”, marvelling at how the vicious racial hatreds of the Pacific war dissipated so quickly, as though “turned off like a spigot”. The lesson for Mr Dower is not only that reluctant civilians must be mobilised by propaganda to fight and die, but also that new realities force new biases.
回到《拥抱战败》 的主题上，道尔惊叹于太平洋战争深刻的种族仇视竟然平息得如此之快，就像“水龙头一样关掉了”。道尔得到了一个教训：问题不仅仅在于不情愿的平民被政府宣传所鼓动才去拼死一战；还在于新的现实形成了新的偏见。
(7). 1: No side, he argues, launched a more sophisticated propaganda blitz than the Japanese, who saw their “mongrel” enemies as biologically inferior.
2: But they were hardly alone. During the war Americans viewed their Asian rivals as “monkeys” or “rats”, but with the start of the occupation, Japan became an ally.
3: The popular racism in the American media more or less stopped, and stayed buried until the 1970s, when Japan emerged as an economic superpower.
4: This resurrected Japanese stereotypes of “predatory economic animals” in Western suits who were launching a new “financial Pearl Harbor”.
5: The spigot of racial hatred had been turned back on.
2: But they were hardly alone. During the war Americans viewed their Asian rivals as “monkeys” or “rats”, but with the start of the occupation, Japan became an ally.
3: The popular racism in the American media more or less stopped, and stayed buried until the 1970s, when Japan emerged as an economic superpower.
4: This resurrected Japanese stereotypes of “predatory economic animals” in Western suits who were launching a new “financial Pearl Harbor”.
5: The spigot of racial hatred had been turned back on.
1:道尔指出，日本人最善于在短时间内对人民进行宣传鼓吹，他们认为那些“杂种”敌人天生就低他们一等。
2:但这种现象并不只出现在日本人身上。战时，美国人把亚洲对手视为“猴子”、“老鼠”；但侵占开始以后，日本就成了他们的盟友。
3:后来，美国媒体中盛行的种族歧视或多或少有所收敛，归于沉寂。直到20世纪70年代，日本以经济超级大国的姿态登上世界舞台。
4:于是西方又老调重弹，把日本视为“穿着西装、掠夺成性的经济野兽”，认为日本正准备发动一场新的“金融珍珠港”之战。
5:种族仇视的水龙头再次拧开了。
2:但这种现象并不只出现在日本人身上。战时，美国人把亚洲对手视为“猴子”、“老鼠”；但侵占开始以后，日本就成了他们的盟友。
3:后来，美国媒体中盛行的种族歧视或多或少有所收敛，归于沉寂。直到20世纪70年代，日本以经济超级大国的姿态登上世界舞台。
4:于是西方又老调重弹，把日本视为“穿着西装、掠夺成性的经济野兽”，认为日本正准备发动一场新的“金融珍珠港”之战。
5:种族仇视的水龙头再次拧开了。
(8). 1:When the fighting is finished, history is written, inevitably by those in power, observes Mr Dower.
2:The standard American view of the struggle against Japan is that it was just and moral.
3:But this grants little space for the ghastly side of victory, which included the airborne destruction of 66 cities and the incineration of more than half a million civilians.
4:China and Korea’s political elites have found it endlessly useful to bang the nationalist drum to unite potentially fractious populations against their old enemy.
5:Japanese conservatives have made it easy for them, whitewashing the past and attempting to pass off Imperial Japan’s rampage across Asia as a “holy war” against Western colonialism.
2:The standard American view of the struggle against Japan is that it was just and moral.
3:But this grants little space for the ghastly side of victory, which included the airborne destruction of 66 cities and the incineration of more than half a million civilians.
4:China and Korea’s political elites have found it endlessly useful to bang the nationalist drum to unite potentially fractious populations against their old enemy.
5:Japanese conservatives have made it easy for them, whitewashing the past and attempting to pass off Imperial Japan’s rampage across Asia as a “holy war” against Western colonialism.
1:道尔做出了这样的评论：当战争结束后，历史将不可避免地由当权者写下。
2:美国人普遍认为对日战争是公正的、合乎道德的。
3:但这份胜利仍然有着极为惨烈的一面——其中日本66座城市遭到空袭破坏，50多万平民灰飞烟灭。
4:中国和韩国的政治精英发现，想要把内心愤怒的民族联合起来对抗其共同的宿敌，敲响民族主义这面大鼓最为有效。
5:日本的保守派粉饰历史，试图将日本帝国在全亚洲的暴行伪装成对西方殖民主义的“圣战”——这给中韩两国的政治精英提供了有利机会。
2:美国人普遍认为对日战争是公正的、合乎道德的。
3:但这份胜利仍然有着极为惨烈的一面——其中日本66座城市遭到空袭破坏，50多万平民灰飞烟灭。
4:中国和韩国的政治精英发现，想要把内心愤怒的民族联合起来对抗其共同的宿敌，敲响民族主义这面大鼓最为有效。
5:日本的保守派粉饰历史，试图将日本帝国在全亚洲的暴行伪装成对西方殖民主义的“圣战”——这给中韩两国的政治精英提供了有利机会。
(9). 1:Selective memory is often a harmful feature of children’s education.
2:Japanese high-school textbooks devote impressively little space to the war, reflecting official attempts to “downplay the dark aspects of Japan’s modern history,” writes Mr Dower.
3:For its part, China’s government relies on its struggle against Japanese aggression for its historical legitimacy, so memories of wartime atrocities are kept fresh in schools.
4:This helps to explain the strikingly different public reactions to the current island disputes.
5:While the Chinese angrily take to the streets, the Japanese stay at home and watch it on TV.
2:Japanese high-school textbooks devote impressively little space to the war, reflecting official attempts to “downplay the dark aspects of Japan’s modern history,” writes Mr Dower.
3:For its part, China’s government relies on its struggle against Japanese aggression for its historical legitimacy, so memories of wartime atrocities are kept fresh in schools.
4:This helps to explain the strikingly different public reactions to the current island disputes.
5:While the Chinese angrily take to the streets, the Japanese stay at home and watch it on TV.
1:选择性记忆往往不利于对下一代的教育。
2:道尔写道，日本的中学教科书对战争描述极少，反映了官方试图“淡化日本近代史的阴暗面”。
3:在中国这一方面，政府依靠抗日战争来突出其历史合理性，因此学校教育不断提及日本在战时的暴行。
4:这可以解释为什么对于当下的岛屿纠纷两国的公众反应截然不同。
5:中国人愤怒地走上街头抗议，而日本人却待在家里看电视，电视里正是中国人抗议的镜头。
2:道尔写道，日本的中学教科书对战争描述极少，反映了官方试图“淡化日本近代史的阴暗面”。
3:在中国这一方面，政府依靠抗日战争来突出其历史合理性，因此学校教育不断提及日本在战时的暴行。
4:这可以解释为什么对于当下的岛屿纠纷两国的公众反应截然不同。
5:中国人愤怒地走上街头抗议，而日本人却待在家里看电视，电视里正是中国人抗议的镜头。
(10). 1: For a solution, Mr Dower looks to the 20th-century views of E.H. Norman, a Japan expert and Marxist historian.
2: Like Norman, he feels that most countries need a “revolution from below” against any system that “represses freedom, sacrifices life, and retards the creation of true self-government”.
3: All citizens should be able to challenge the narratives held by elites.
4: At a tense time of toxic nationalism in Asia, this book is a timely reminder of the uses and abuses of history.
2: Like Norman, he feels that most countries need a “revolution from below” against any system that “represses freedom, sacrifices life, and retards the creation of true self-government”.
3: All citizens should be able to challenge the narratives held by elites.
4: At a tense time of toxic nationalism in Asia, this book is a timely reminder of the uses and abuses of history.
1: 为了寻求解决方案，道尔研究了日本专家、马克思主义史学家 E.H. 诺曼在20世纪提出的观点。
2:和诺曼一样，道尔认为大多数国家需要一次“自下而上的改革”，推翻所有“压抑自由、牺牲生命、阻碍真正实现自治”的体制。
3:所有公民都应当能够质疑社会精英所持的观点。
4:民族主义正在毒害亚洲国家。在这紧张时刻，道尔的这本书及时地提醒了人们历史是如何被利用和滥用的。
2:和诺曼一样，道尔认为大多数国家需要一次“自下而上的改革”，推翻所有“压抑自由、牺牲生命、阻碍真正实现自治”的体制。
3:所有公民都应当能够质疑社会精英所持的观点。
4:民族主义正在毒害亚洲国家。在这紧张时刻，道尔的这本书及时地提醒了人们历史是如何被利用和滥用的。
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